Basketball Masculinities in Chinese Television Dramas and Rural Competitions
‘I am a pig’—these are the words that interrupt Chu Yuxun as she peacefully writes her first impressions of the new school. Looking up, she sees a male student in a basketball jersey stammering the humiliating sentence before bolting away. Three more male students follow in quick succession. Fed up with these peculiar encounters, Yuxun decides to follow the last one, who leads her to the school’s basketball court, where a crowd of students cheers on the players.
Pushing her way through a swooning mob of teenage girls, Yuxun sees Shangguan Ruiqian dominating the game, aggressively outplaying his male opponents. Shangguan—the school’s leader and star basketball player—commands attention with powerful jumps and his signature move: slam-dunking the ball while hanging from the rim. His favourite pastime? Forcing the losing team, through dares, to approach the nearest girl and say: ‘I am a pig.’
After the next humiliating confession and the crowd’s uproarious laughter, Yuxun, enraged, storms onto the court and seizes the ball. At the top of her lungs, she shouts, ‘You’re the one who’s a pig!’ She slams the ball to the ground; it bounces high and drops cleanly through the net.
‘Not bad,’ one of Shangguan’s friends mutters, impressed.
Having made her point, Yuxun turns and walks off the court, throwing one final, disdainful glance at Shangguan.
—Description of a scene from Meteor Shower (2009), Episode 1, 34:09–37:43
In the introduction to their 2002 book Chinese Femininities/Chinese Masculinities: A Reader, Susan Brownell and Jeffrey Wasserstrom explore how ideals of femininity and masculinity have shifted over time in China. More than two decades have passed since they explored this issue, yet it remains highly relevant today, as this essay demonstrates through three examples of basketball in Chinese television dramas. The purpose of this essay is to highlight basketball’s role as a masculine coming-of-age experience. This is further explored by comparing and connecting representations of basketball in television dramas with amateur rural basketball—most commonly known as ‘village NBA’ (村BA or cunBA). We argue that basketball serves as a medium through which youth identities are constructed and idealised forms of masculinity are illustrated.
Three factors shaping the construction of idealised masculinity in audiovisual mass media warrant attention. First, in the context of television drama, representations of the ‘ideal’ are subject to ongoing reinterpretation and repackaging for mass consumption. Second, given the strict censorship regime in China, audiovisual media always conveys political messages and state ideology strongly shapes the portrayal of ideals. Third, such media tends to present polarised figures: the idealised male or female and their undesirable opposites. While conforming to state-sanctioned ideals, these portrayals are also influenced by market dynamics and viewer preferences—often those of young women—ultimately instructing audiences on what is desirable, who they should aspire to be, and what to seek in their lives (see Chong 2013).
It is also important to consider how media reaches its audience in the ‘post-network era’, when streaming platforms provide content on demand, anytime and anywhere (Zhang 2022: 69). In China, platforms such as Tencent Video (WeTV), YouKu, and iQiYi dominate internet-distributed television, freeing viewers from fixed broadcast schedules and offering a vast array of content (Lotz 2017). The traditional mode of transmitting simplified ideological messages through centralised broadcasting has shifted towards a constant stream of stimulation that, as Kötter (2023: 22) notes, overwhelms viewers while hindering rational information processing.
Building on Brownell and Wasserstrom’s (2002: 2) emphasis that ‘unique judgements about femininity and masculinity are made by specific people in particular contexts’, this essay examines basketball as a site shaped by the media, viewers, fans, and players. We ask: Why and how does basketball become central to the image of competent youth masculinity, while simultaneously functioning as affective entertainment? How do basketball’s symbols, styles of play, and bodily aesthetics generate role models that reflect youth desires while aligning with hegemonic state ideologies?
Our analysis draws on audiovisual entertainment media (Kötter) and ethnographic material on basketball play and fandom among Chinese young adults (Hizi). We show how basketball imaginaries extend across social spheres, and how official media guides young people in navigating gendered expectations, personal development, and traditional values. We further argue that basketball—understood as an assemblage of practices, objects, and media representations—plays a key role in shaping gendered youth identities in China today, simultaneously fuelling market-driven aspirations and engaging with the disillusionment that increasingly defines young adulthood.
Basketball Masculinities in TV Dramas
When discussing masculinity in popular media, it is imperative to mention the so-called masculinity crisis in contemporary China. Yang (2010: 552) and Song (2010: 406) suggest that this crisis stems from growing social instability, which can be attributed to the negative effects on men of neoliberalism beginning in the 1990s. The recurring outcry in Chinese media to prevent the effeminisation of boys is thus a rearticulation of pre-existing insecurities (see Yu and Sui 2023). In line with this, Tan (2024) argues that the recent state-influenced pushback against Hallyu (‘Korean Wave’)—which introduced so-called soft masculinity into China—has gone hand in hand with the promotion of a militarised masculinity. She notes, however, that this agenda faces setbacks, as predominantly female viewers ‘also hold sway over the articulation of ideal masculinities’ (Tan 2024: 206).
To conclude that militarised masculinity is the sole model promoted by state ideology would, however, be short-sighted. While numerous dramas featuring male leads with military backgrounds—both contemporary and historical—have premiered in recent years, a more attainable and less violent variant of ideal masculinity is offered in portrayals of basketball-playing male leads. These characters are physically fit, attractive, and capable of leading their teams to victory, albeit on the basketball court rather than the battlefield (see Fan and Liu 2023: 178). Referring to Brownell and Wasserstrom (2002) on shifting ideals of male identity, the representation of basketball as a route to idealised masculinity reveals that lingering insecurities continue to shape definitions of ‘masculinity’ and male beauty. Although the presence of basketball in Chinese dramas is far from new, little has been said about its specific connection to idealised masculinity.
According to Wang et al. (2023: 1768), Chinese fans associate basketball—and the US National Basketball Association (NBA) in particular—with masculinity. Team sports and basketball playing are seen to demonstrate male superiority. As a narrative device, male violence or aggression towards female characters is often instrumentalised to highlight the male lead’s positive traits as a protector and romantic partner. In recent years, however, this instrumentalised victimisation of women has been increasingly criticised, leading to new narratives in which female characters help one another or save themselves, thereby removing the opportunity for male characters to assert masculinity through protective action. In response, the basketball court emerges as a new space where young male characters can reassert their masculinity. Here, male protagonists display physical prowess and competitive spirit, often encouraged by cheering female characters or female characters learning the sport under their guidance.
This is evident in three very popular dramas: Meteor Shower (一起来看流星雨, 2009), Love O2O (微微一笑很倾城, 2016), and Hidden Love (偷偷藏不住, 2023). Meteor Shower is a high school drama, Love O2O is set in a university, and the male lead, Duan Jiaxu, in Hidden Love is already working for most of the series. Over the course of more than a decade, the basketball theme has remained popular in Chinese drama. While cinematography has evolved considerably, now aligning more closely with international standards, key elements of the depiction of basketball remain largely unchanged.
The basketball matches in these dramas serve multiple purposes, the most important of which is the portrayal of idealised masculinity. Beyond this, basketball scenes also function as a narrative device to explore the relationships among characters. In the first two episodes of Meteor Shower, a rivalry between the male lead, Murong Yunhai, and another male character, Shangguan Ruiqian, over who is the best player and most popular boy in school culminates in an epic basketball match in episode two. This match also serves to establish and deepen the relationship between the female lead, Chu Yuxun, and both male characters. In episode 10 of Love O2O, the basketball game highlights the relationship between the male lead, Xiao Nai, the female lead, Bei Weiwei, and their respective friend groups. Similarly, in episode 17 of Hidden Love, the basketball match symbolises the romantic rivalry between two male characters vying for the affection of female lead Sang Zhi.
In all these scenes, the gender contrast is striking. The male characters excel as athletes, exuding vigour, youthful energy, and competitive spirit, while the female characters stand on the sidelines, admiring and cheering them on. Basketball thus reinforces the notion of male physical and social superiority—not only over female characters but also among the male characters themselves. Rivalries between men are resolved through the non-violent medium of sport, while the public setting of the match ensures the outcome is visible and validated by the broader social group. Finally, these scenes frame the male lead as the ideal romantic partner, as the game provides a space to showcase traits typically associated with idealised masculinity.
Comparing the three basketball scenes, we find several recurring elements of idealised masculinity: physical superiority, depicted through high jumps, slam dunks, and precise shooting (as seen in Meteor Shower); and leadership, whether through team captaincy (Love O2O) or by giving strategic instructions (Hidden Love). These leadership qualities are reinforced through the male lead’s versatility—playing different positions or even remaining on the bench (Love O2O)—and his sense of fairness and good sportsmanship. Notably, there is little representation of what it means to be a ‘good loser’.
From the conversations among female characters observing the matches, it becomes clear that good looks are considered just as important as athletic skill. In Meteor Shower, the biased female crowd quickly shifts their admiration to Yunhai once he wins the game. In both Love O2O and Hidden Love, the female characters focus almost exclusively on the male leads’ appearances—shouting their names and commenting on their attractiveness. More importantly, the female lead’s association with the male lead—sitting next to Weiwei to watch the second half of the game in Love O2O or Sang Zhi receiving Duan Jiaxu’s jacket in Hidden Love—directly enhances her status among her peers.
Thus, basketball in these dramas functions to portray masculinity as a composite of physical prowess, leadership ability, attractiveness, and the capacity to elevate a woman’s social standing.
Rural Basketball Masculinities
TV dramas reveal how basketball is embedded in the bodily styles and aspirations of young Chinese men. Basketball courts become sites where individuals negotiate and compensate for the challenges of their moral and gendered coming-of-age. Research confirms the sport’s importance for young men. Since the 1990s, with the increased exposure of the NBA in China, basketball has become not only a major object of fandom but also the most widely played outdoor sport in the country, along with badminton and ping-pong, and the most popular among young adults and youth (Chinese Basketball Association 2023; Huang 2013: 270). Basketball in China draws on multiple traditions: the early twentieth-century YMCA’s promotion of the ‘modern’ and ‘well-rounded’ man through team sports (Polumbaum 2002: 192); the communist emphasis on strong, healthy bodies aligned with moral and political cultivation (see Mao 1917); and today’s more commercially oriented leagues. Contemporary basketball blends teamwork with individualistic undertones, which are visible in stylistic moves such as dunks, fadeaway shots, crossover dribbling, and three-pointers—plays that carry emotional resonance.
In this context, specific basketball stars emerge as role models for youth—not only for their athletic prowess but also as symbols of moral character. NBA players past and present, such as Kobe Bryant, Allen Iverson, and LeBron James, are admired by Chinese fans for traits such as a hardworking mentality, the ability to overcome adversity, and stories of social mobility (Peng et al. 2023).
This capacity for role-modelling is not limited to fan culture but is also actively promoted by educational institutions in China, which aim to combine masculine moral cultivation with patriotic values (Wang et al. 2023). Recent state initiatives also frame basketball as a path to personal development in an era marked by widespread feelings of neijuan (内卷 ‘involution’)—a state in which effort put into work or study fails to yield meaningful results while exhausting one’s mental and physical energy (Wang and Ge 2020).
This is particularly evident in projects linked to the ‘rural revitalisation’ (乡村振兴) policy, which is part of the broader ‘Beautiful China Initiative’ (美丽中国) championed by President Xi Jinping (see Fang et al. 2020). A standout example is the cunBA in the Qiandongnan Miao and Dong Autonomous Prefecture in southwest Guizhou. This initiative combines investment in rural infrastructure, promotion of intangible heritage, and tourism, while celebrating basketball as a means of masculine self-realisation. According to popular accounts, a photographer’s spontaneous attention to a rural basketball competition during a harvest festival (on the sixth day of the sixth lunar month) in mid-2022 sparked viral interest online, drawing the attention of the local state. In response, the local government expanded the outdoor stadium in Taipan, adopted the colloquial label cunBA, and helped scale the competition—expanding from local county-level games in Taijiang to provincial and national tournaments. As Taijiang is primarily inhabited by the Miao ethnic minority, the games also feature displays of local dress, cultural performances, and agricultural products (see Hizi 2024; Wing-Lun 2024).
CunBA encapsulates many of the paradoxes of the present moment. While it appears as a rural grassroots event, it relies on trans-local media attention, tourism, and government investment. The choice of basketball is also telling: although long popular in Taijiang, it is by no means unique to the region, thus enabling the expansion of interest and participation across and beyond Qiandongnan. CunBA is promoted in speeches, media coverage, and resident narratives as a celebration of sport rooted in amateurism and community values. Rather than emphasising victory, it foregrounds tropes such as ‘passion’ (热爱) and ‘atmosphere’ (气氛). These contradictions allow cunBA to promote a masculinity that is both aspirational and grounded: championing rural development in line with market logic while suspending the urban–rural hierarchy entrenched in Chinese policy since the 1980s.
As Suvi Rautio (2023) observes, among the Dong ethnic community in rural Guizhou, two contrasting models of masculinity coexist: one that pursues trans-local success through urban entrepreneurship, and another that values manual labour and agricultural livelihoods within the local rural economy. CunBA bridges these two models. It activates ‘dreams’ through basketball matches, glamorous performances, and youth training programs, while redirecting those ambitions towards local pride rather than expectations of socioeconomic transformation.
Alongside these emphases, cunBA prioritises the celebration of village and collective identity over the exceptional performance of individual players, as reflected in numerous reports, interviews, and speeches both on site and in Chinese media. Nevertheless, fans of the teams and dedicated followers of the games naturally come to appreciate the strengths of players and enjoy their achievements. A prominent example is Ou Minghui, a 31-year-old, 1.75-metre-tall player on the team representing Qiandongnan. Despite his unassuming, non-athletic appearance, Ou led his team to its third consecutive provincial cunBA championship in March 2025. He is known for his stamina, three-point shooting, and game-winning plays. When facing taller and more athletic opponents, Ou compensates with fitness, leadership, and clutch performance. Nicknamed the ‘Ox King’ (欧牛王), he embodies both the region’s cultural associations with bullfighting, cattle, and beef, and his own personal experience raising livestock (Li 2023).
‘Professional players have their dreams; we have our own dreams,’ Ou stated in an interview after being named Most Valuable Player of the 2023 tournament (Jimu News 2023). Despite his grounded rural perspective, Ou draws inspiration from Kobe Bryant, particularly the NBA star’s work ethic and ‘Mamba’ never-give-up mentality (Crossover Character 2024). The tournament prizes are largely symbolic: livestock (a bull for the winning team, and smaller animals for those placing second to fifth) and agricultural products. It remains to be seen whether players like Ou might generate additional income through sponsorships or advertisements.
Basketball in the context of cunBA is infused with rural symbols and material culture, linking it to local lifestyles, while also connecting it to trans-local and transnational fandoms. At the same time, it is reified as a satisfying pursuit in its own right, rather than a stepping stone to ‘better’ lives or opportunities. Whether through televised dramas, pickup games on school campuses, or village tournaments, masculinity expressed through basketball gains its meaning not from external rewards—such as profit, fame, or romantic success—but from its embodiment of self-realisation and potential. It offers a resilient form of masculinity amid precarious social realities, rooted in dedication to the game itself.
A Gendered Cultural Arena
In this essay, we have discussed the centrality of basketball for the formation of an image of idealised masculinity in China today. Different characteristics of masculinity are emphasised across activities and entertainment products involving basketball. Youth drama portrays ideal masculinity through physical attractiveness, fitness, leadership, and the ability to raise female social status, whereas cunBA players and fans highlight moral character, local pride, and a never-give-up mentality. Along with the different depictions across different types of cultural products and events, basketball practices are themselves sites for negotiating different forms of masculine citizenship, incorporating popular desire and fantasies of personal development, on the one hand, and hegemonic official ideologies (‘rural revitalisation’ and pushback against ‘soft masculinity’), on the other. As a popular transnational sport, basketball accommodates both aspects of fandom and play by enthusiasts and is a site for conveying moral prescriptions that extend well beyond sport and leisure, including bodily aesthetics, gender roles, and rural–urban discrepancies. Close examination of popular pastimes proves insightful for understanding larger developments in gender and youth identity in Chinese society.
Featured Image: The opening ceremony for the final-four competition of the provincial cunBA tournament in Guizhou, March 2025. The slogan reads ‘Build Dreams in Miao Villages, Arouse the Passion of Taijiang’ (筑梦苗乡, 燃情台江). Source: Gil Hizi.
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